Bangladesh is free for now, but we need to remain vigilant

Now that Hasina has fled the country in the face of a student-led revolution, a new interim government under Dr. Yunus has come into power, and some attempts at a counter-coup have been foiled, maybe we can begin to breathe a small sigh of relief. There is still so much to be done, but now some of the initial uncertainty has been alleviated, especially ways of counter-coup by the legislative assembly (the parliament assembly was dissolved on very first day), and the judiciary (the chief justice was forced to resign, as well as all judges of apellate division as well; Attorney General also said they would initiate reforms in the HC soon).  

Yes Sheikh Mujib statues have been pulled to the ground, and beautiful calligraphy has begun to adorn the streets in places (here, here, here). But there are uglier ways in which things are recalibrating after decades of Awami looting and takeover - see events of unrest fomented at Islami Bank (to remove S.Alom group influence) and IIUC (to remove Abu Reza Nadvi loyalists). I won't comment much on these matters except that Jamaat people have been most mercilessly victimised during Awami misrule; it is what is it.  

Political detainees arrested in the fast few weeks have been released. And some detainees of enforced disappearance, such as Mir Ahmad Bin Quasem and Abdullahil Aman Azmi, but not all, have been released as well.

The new Bangladesh overwhelms one with hope, although the danger is still out there - the spectre of communal riots, despite being proven fake again and again (Aljazeera news, Deshbhakt report, Rumour Scanner tweets (part 1, part 2)), could spoil the image of Bangladesh and invite adverse reactions from an oversensitized world eager to play the minority saviour card (unless the minority in question is Muslim). 

Many, including Mahmudur Rahman and Farhad Mazhar, are calling on the government to be declared a revolutionary government instead of an interim government, mainly due to the myriad problems of ruling under the constraints of the current constitution, and the current President Shahabuddin who was a Hasina appointed loyalist. Mazhar has been calling for the suspension of the current constitution, and assumption of Dr. Yunus the post of President of the revolutionary government. This call has strengthened after Joy, Hasina's son, in his latest interview, claimed that his mother the ex-Prime Minister Hasina, had not really resigned, and was still the legitimate leader. This is a stark departure from his first interview, where he said Sheikh Hasina would not return to politics. His shifting views are clearly an indication that although the first video may have been genuine, the other interviews are scripted, and most probably written and directed by Indian RAW operatives behind the cameras.

Indian interference, especially on the issue of inflaming minorities tensions, after having failed in bringing about an army coup, police coup, legislative coup and finally the judicial coup, is actually making the Bangladeshi people aware to the very problem of Indian interference, something that India has successfully tried to keep hidden till now. But desperate times elicit sometimes stupid reactions, as we have seen from Hasina a few days back, and are seeing from India now. Mahmudur Rahman has explained the issue of Indian hegemony beautifully here, and a letter from five citizens of different SAARC nations calling for Indian interference (read hegemony) to stop should be enough to help one understand what the issue is all about at the moment.

At the moment, while many are tensed and turning in their beds regarding what will happen with elections, will the interim government turn into another dictatorial tool itself, or will Sheikh Hasina come back to usurp power, I am in general not worried and have nothing to add to the debate really. The students have repeatedly shown they are more mature than we think - see condition of roads under students, the guarding of temples, etc (although some have voiced concern that students inside the government could compromise their position overall). In any case, it will not be easy to bring back the law and order situation of a country torn asunder by Sheikh Hasina's divisive policies over 16 years of misrule - the fact that police have just agreed to return to work is an encouraging sign; and a big alhamdulillah it is the police and not the military ushering in curfews to control the looting and revenge attacks against ex-regime people, although the military was deployed to control Awami League inspired violence in Gopalganj few days back.

Regarding recommendations, I am not really placed to suggest any. But if I were given to state my pick(s), I would say - (1) dismantle the hugely controversial ICT and reverse its politically biased judgements that polarised and tore the country over the past 14 years, (2) constitute a national justice and reconciliation process to bring all the criminals (whether they have fled, or are still under some guise in government, army or judiciary) involved with torture, blatant corruption, human rights violations, et al. to justice and give victims their due justice, and (3) restructure the army to secure the real troubles that will start now - a belligerent India, the persecuted Rohingya in Myanmar (see earlier post about army and possible changes). 

At the end of the day, it is about bringing back trust in public institutions, and in ability of due political process to address public grievances, as well as the ability of due judicial process to ensure justice. Without that, there is no possibility of change. 

There is still a lot more to unpack, such as a blueprint towards normalcy, but it is too early to even begin to contemplate about it. However, I do agree with Pinaki it is necessary to get everything up and running, and he has a nice list of things that need to be addressed on his youtube untold series. However, let us leave it here for the moment.

We want our fathers and brothers back: Free victims of Enforced Disappearance #StudentProtests2024

One of the darkest crimes committed by the Hasina regime has been enforced disappearance. According to human rights organizations, more than 600 people have been disappeared since the Awami League government led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina came to power in 2009. Few have returned to tell the tale, among them Hummam Quader Chowdhury, and Sukharanjan Bali. Hummam, abducted in 2016, was released after less than a year in March 2017, his family supposedly paying a huge sum of money to authorities for his release. Sukharanjan Bali, a key defence witness in the case of Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, was abducted by plainclothed police on 5 November 2012 from the gate of Supreme Court before he could testify, and surfaced many months later, suffering in Kolkata's Dumdum prison. 

Nobody knows the whereabouts of those who have been abducted, even whether they are alive or dead. But one thing is certain, Sheikh Hasina and her cohorts are behind these enforced disappearances. According to a close associate of Hasina, a number of different state agencies are involved in the dozens of people picked up and secretly detained including the paramilitary organisation, Rapid Action Battalion (RAB), the detective branch of the police, the counter-terrorism unit, the special branch and DGFI. In atleast the case of one detainee, Mir Ahmad Bin Quasem, he was abducted on direct orders of Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Hasina is said to have given Bangladesh's military intelligence agency Directorate General of Forces Intelligence(DGFI) “clearance” to illegally pick up Mir Ahmad, as part of the government's widening crackdown on the country's opposition in 2016.

On August 14, Netra News revealed that Bangladesh officials were allegedly holding and torturing victims of enforced disappearance at a secret detention site called Aynaghar (house of mirrors). It is thought that the military detention centre in the heart of the army cantonment inside Dhaka had detained victims of disappearances including Mir Ahmad Bin Quasem Arman and Abdullahil Aman Azmi. Authorities in Bangladesh often deny the involvement of state agencies in enforced disappearances, and Home Minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal has even told Al Jazeera, “Those who are missing are mostly hiding by themselves,” adding that police have already solved many of the disappeared cases. However, as report, after report, after damning report has concluded, the Bangladeshi government is the sole perpetrator of such enforced disappearances. As per a Human Rights Watch report in 2021, based on over 115 interviews conducted between July 2020 and March 2021 with victims, their family members, and witnesses to enforced disappearances, atleast 86 victims of disappearance still remain missing.

As the tyrant falls, we demand that these victims be immediately released from the secret detention camps of Sheikh Hasina. We also demand that the perpetrators of these human rights abuses, members of RAB, DGFI and the army, as well as Sheikh Hasina herself, face justice for their crimes against humanity. 

আয়নাঘর মুক্ত করেন!

Free the prisoners of Aynaghar!

Free victims of #EnforcedDisappearance in #Bangladesh NOW!

The Bangladesh Army is a treacherous institution and it should be dismantled #StudentProtests2024

Bangladesh has been ranked 37th among the 145 countries considered for the annual Global Firepower review in 2024. Among the South Asian nations, Bangladesh is currently in the 37th position in terms of military strength. The countries ahead of Bangladesh in the region are – India (4th), Pakistan (9th), and Myanmar(35th) and the nations trailing the country are – Sri Lanka (75th), Nepal (128th) and Bhutan (145th). For many, this could be a matter of pride. But today, we are forced to ask - what purpose does the Bangladesh army serve? Is the army actually protecting interests of Bangladesh and its people? If not, why do we even need this army at all?

The Bangladesh army is a well-funded institution, with the budget allocation icreasing every year. In 2024-25 fiscal year, government of Bangladesh announced a defence budget of BDT423.6 billion (USD3.6 billion) for 2024–25. Proposed in parliament on 6 June, the new expenditure represents a 11% increase over the revised defence budget for 2023–24. This represents a steady trend over past 5 decades. There have been also some major procurements just over the past year - in April 2024 the Bangladesh Armed Forces took delivery of three Norinco CS/AA3 twin-barrel anti-aircraft gun systems from China, and in 2023 the Bangladesh Army Aviation corps acquired six Bayraktar TB2 unmanned aerial vehicles from Türkiye.

But the question remains, what is the army doing with all this? The army rakes in a lot of money, and maintains a thriving military industrial complex and other business interests, but it has failed in doing what it was supposed to do - protect the interests of the country. Bangladesh’s military is more concerned with profit and power than defending the country, and has been incapable of showing strength in the face of repeated violations of air, land and sea from Mayanmar military, among others. The influence of India in the matters of Bangladesh has gone to the extent that it is said the chief of Bangladesh army is appointed from New Delhi. This was not always the case; the transformation began in earnest when Sheikh Hasina killed off patriotic elements in the army while using India's help to curb the BDR mutiny in 2009.

Sheikh Hasina then used the opportunity of the BDR mutiny, and the vaccum it had created, to place officers and generals loyal to her in every nook and cranny in the army command. The current army chief General Waker-uz-Zaman is married to Sheikh Hasina's cousin, and conforms to her every whim, ensuring the army is firmly in Hasina's hand. As it stands, the army command, with the bahini under it, has become just another tool of autocracy in Bangladesh, and lacks any independence. Some of its elite members, such as RAB, have also been accused of involvement with horrific human rights abuses - torture, unlawful detention, extrajudicial killings, as well as enforced disappearances. In return, army command personnel enjoy massive benefits, lead extravagant lifestyles, and go on lucrative UN 'peacekeeping' missions, no questions asked.

But does this mean all of the army is bad and rotten? Of course not, there are good people there, I am sure, as evidenced by general army people maintaining law and order in places and some expressedly stating they do not want to fire on protesters. But my argument regarding this institution is just not contingent on whether the army is good or bad, there is the broader question of whether this institution in its current form is sustainable or useful. 

Moreover, the student protests have managed to expose the spineless nature of the army command today. In July 2024, the Bangladesh Army was seen using U.N marked vehicles during the curfew imposed by the government for controlling quota reform movement. Secretary General of United Nations, António Guterres expressed his concerns and urged the government to ensure a conducive environment for dialogue and encouraged protesters to engage in dialogue to resolve the deadlock. His spokesperson, Stéphane Dujarric expressed concern over reports of UN-marked vehicles being used during the protests and stated that such vehicles should only be used for official UN peacekeeping or political missions, adding that he had raised the issue to the Bangladeshi government. United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk urged the government to engage with student protesters and to stop the violence.

The threats may just have worked for now. Despite videos showing general army personnel firing at protesters in the early days of the 'shoot-at-sight' orders, they have since stopped firing on protesters, and latest talk-of-the-town indicates thee aemy upper command are not yet willing to give up either their benefits or their image just yet, although this may change at any moment. Clearly, the Bangladesh army command lacks any moral will whatsoever, preferring profit/gain/inertia over any definitive action; indeed one may see the Bangladesh army in its current form as an ornamental institution, a prettily clad doll army, if you will, and they want it to stay that way.

What should be done to this clearly useless spineless institution that is unable to protect this country, and has acted like a coward, both by being conspicuously silent in the name of 'no to politics' or either by firing at innocent unarmed protesters? I say, after we force the dictator to step down from her lofty masnad, we dismantle this white elephant of an institution. I heartily agree with Mahmudur Rahman that we need an army like Abu Sayeed, not a cowardly one like the present army; the Bangladesh army must be restructured after being mostly dismantled. As in countries such as Turkey, compulsory military service could be demanded of all male citizens from 21 to 41 years of age; a minimum 6 months for all males regardless of education degree. A minimum amount necessary for a border force could be retained, while people of the country themselves would be enough to defend the country's interests. Then the army would cease to exist like body fat, cease remaining the autocrat's big fearful bat. The country would also have more money for better things - education, roads and more welfare.

Busting the myth of golden Bengal #StudentProtests2024

'আমরা ভাতে মারব, আমরা পানিতে মারব।' 

(March 7, 1971, Sheikh Mujib)

When Sheikh Mujib said he would stop cooperating with West Pakistan, he knew the power he had in his hands. Five decades later, his daughter Sheikh Hasina is doing the same, but against her own people. But this time, with their backs against the wall, they have nothing to lose, and woe upon those who do not recognize the desperation and rage of the hungry man. The student movement in Bangladesh primarily began as an outburst of economic grievances, as do all great revolutions. Think of the French Revolution that began with the disenfrancisement of the Third Estate as the best example of this - a lot of the initial protests were about bread until the inevitable happened. This movement was about protesting the quota system that has been used as a tool to rob and discriminate against the general population of Bangladesh for decades - 30 percent quota for 0.03% of the population, who unsurprisingly turned out to be either Sheikh Hasina's most loyal Awami dudes, or the highest bidders.

Doing a job in Bangladesh is a hellish experience - long working hours, forced overtime, terrible bosses, and worst of all, dismal pay. There are people who earn ridiculously low wages of 5000 -7000 taka per month (less than 50-70 dollars), and even many educated people with degrees (read lower middle class and middle class) hardly earn more than 20,000 taka per month (less than 200 dollars per month). And there is no job security most of the time, since the boss can kick you out, and there is nothing you can do about it. In a country like this, a government job is like a golden goose - apart from a steady pay, you are set for life, and your family members use your network and name to earn extra respect socially, not to mention financially as well.

So students, mainly those hailing from lower middle and middle class, see this as one of the few ways for upward social mobility. It is not uncommon to hear of students committing suicide if they are unable to secure a government job. The story of Bangladesh-as-an-economic miracle, so prevalent in Western media over the past decade, does not include the stories and stuggles of these students, but those of corrupt businesses and businessmen close to the regime who have amassed massive wealth overnight in not so legal ways. The gap in wealth inequality has been accelerating over the past decade, such that the wealthiest 10 percent of the population now controls a disproportionate 41 percent of the nation’s total income, while the bottom 10 percent receives a meagre 1.31 percent, according to (not so reliable) government data.

Therefore, although Hasina's regime oversold the myth of Bangladesh-as-an-economic miracle to a global audience, until it suddenly wasn't, the success of this progapanda relied on internationals not asking too many questions about overnight billionaires (আঙ্গুল ফুলে কলাগাছ billionaires). The confusion of international media was evident in the initial days - Aljazeera (The protests stand out all the more because of the significant economic gains that Bangladesh has made in recent years.) and TRT world (Despite being hailed as a “South Asian economic miracle,” Bangladesh has been engulfed in protests led by university students fearing job security) among them. In reality, the economy of Bangladesh is fragile, with high inflation, high youth unemployment, rampant corruption, absence of law/norms, high pollution, as well as nigh impossible precarity of one's very existence. When Hasina and her intellectual cohorts talk of "Shonar Bangla" or "Golden Bengal", it is a myth, and ideology, of "plenty for all." For example, this is highly visible in Bangladesh National Television broadcasts of "বাম্পার ফলন/ excessive agricultural output," and is deeply connected with desires to attain plenty in a golden Bengal, while having lived in a mythical golden past of plenty (Read through the lyrics of the national anthem 'Amar Shonar Bangla' by Rabindranath Tagore to get a sense of this). 

But instead of 'plenty for all' as promised since eternity by politicians and intellectuals of the Bengali state, it is in reality just 'plenty for some', as a result of remnance of colonial intitutions and structures of extraction for the benefit of a ruling few and their native collaborators. And the weakness of this table of cards is evident, as shown in the recent S&P down grading of Bangladesh just days into the govt curfew. The student protests have cracked open this gift that kept on giving, the idea of Bangladesh-as-an-economic miracle, and helped bust this myth of Shonar Bangla, showing the world that Bangladesh is a land of plenty for few, and nothing for the rest. Over time, the protesters have shown their maturity, evolving beyond mere demands for quota to asking for colonial structures that ensure inequality to be torn down. They have asked for both democracy to be restored, and perpetrators to face proper justice, so that their fallen comrades can rest in dignity, and not just recieve a few pieces of grain from the granary of Shonar Bangla Inc. 

Its time for Hasina to step down.

 "এবারের সংগ্রাম মুক্তির সংগ্রাম এবারের সংগ্রাম স্বাধীনতার সংগ্রাম! জয় বাংলা। পাকিস্তান জিন্দাবাদ।" (This war is a war for independence, this war is a war for Freedom! Joy Bangla. Pakistan Zindabad). (March 7, 1971, Sheikh Mujib)

Something New Under the Sun : Bangladeshi Student Protest Movement 2024

The anti-quota protests which began in the first weeks of this July, and proceeded to become a national movement by all students of the country after the death of first six student martyrs on July 16, notable among them Abu Sayeed from Rangpur, is something new under the scorching Bangladeshi sun. 

We may not all realise how big this new something is, but I believe it is a harbinger to a paradigm shift insha Allah. Many people have died in Bangladesh before, protesting the Awami League crimes, but the nature of Abu Sayeed's death showcased a new face to these protests. For the first time, people are really really unafraid. And remember, these are not your regular BNP or Jamaat people; they are very ordinary people, who otherwise would not have turned out to protest in the first place. 

Therein lies a lot of significane.

One month on, and a lot of things have changed. What began as a call for quota reform has turned into a movement for justice, anger that began as a demand of livelihood, has manifested in the very being of young men and women who are out to avenge their fallen comrades. As I just said, what the Awami League has failed to understand is that this is not the common opposition - those who come out on the streets for material gain or personal, or group loyalty. These young protesters who are there on the streets, have been there day and night, for more than a month straight. Many have not returned to their homes for weeks. Some will never return because they have been killed by the security apparatus of this government, and their bodies have been put in unmarked graves. No amount of money, or loyalty could have led to this.

There really is something new under the sun!